As Ukraine’s most important backer, Joe Biden will have an important say in when the fighting should stop, and on what terms WorldAhead
By Anton La Guardia: Diplomatic editor, The Economist, Washington, DCWinston Churchill, are the milestones of secular history. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine marks a dangerous new era great-power rivalry. President Joe Biden has done strikingly well in marshalling weapons, sanctions and diplomatic pressure to help Ukraine push back Russia’s invasion. In 2023 he may have to grapple with the complexity and perils of an approaching victory.
This is not the world Mr Biden was hoping to deal with. He took office wanting to invest in America’s economy, strike a nuclear deal with Iran, get out of wars in the Middle East, stabilise ties with Russia and, like others before him, pivot to Asia. Vladimir Putin, though, has forced America to pivot back to Europe.
Mr Biden has rediscovered that America, as the world’s predominant power, has global interests. Chaos in one part of the world weakens America elsewhere, according to his national-security strategy, published in October. So his hope is that success in Ukraine will reap benefits: Russia diminished,strengthened, Europe more resilient, American power affirmed and autocrats everywhere put on notice.
If instead Mr Putin tries to consolidate his gains through a diplomatic settlement, Ukraine is in no mood to concede anything. It wants a full Russian withdrawal to the international border of 1991, as well as reparations and war-crimes trials. Some allies in Europe worry about such maximalist demands. Mr Biden has not shown his hand, but as Ukraine’s most important backer, he will have an important say in when the fighting should stop, and on what terms.
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