For months now, Pete Buttigieg’s utterly unprecedented campaign has offered a practically explicit challenge to voters: Can they accept the totality of who he is?
| Massachusetts becomes the first state to legalize same-sex marriage and issue marriage licenses to same-sex couples.| During the 2008 presidential primary, Logo TV and the Human Rights Campaign host the first-ever televised LGBT-issues forum. All Republican primary candidates were invited but declined to participate. Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama both emphasized support for gay and lesbian civil unions, but not for same-sex marriage.
“What protections,” the designated question-reader read, “do you plan for the LGBTQ community, especially for those who are transgender?” Buttigieg, as is his custom at town halls, asked “Chris B.” to “give a wave” if he or she wanted. Usually, the person who asked the question is only too happy to take credit with an awkward hello, and Buttigieg invariably responds with one of his own. Here, though, in Spencer, Iowa, “Chris B.” gave no wave. Buttigieg clipped the pregnant moment and filled the silence.
“Um,” he said, “so this is obviously an issue of personal importance to me having grown up, not knowing if I would ever fit in. Because I was different. I didn’t know if my own community would have a place for me. And some great things have happened. Some great steps forward have happened in this country.
Seeing Buttigieg, it’s hard not to think of him as a movement candidate, at least in part. It’s hard, after all, not to think of Donny, and Kali, and Anneliese from South Dakota. But of course, for Buttigieg to matter as more than a symbolic figure, he has to win, and he can’t win with only their votes.
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