The proponents and opponents of the upcoming recall of DA Chesa Boudin rely on legalese, statistical interpretation and broad appeals to voters’ emotions and intuition. It can be confusing. So, urbenschneider broke down the talking points.
Left: District Attorney Chesa Boudin. Right: Brooke Jenkins, a former prosecutor who resigned from the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office in protest and is now one of the key proponents of the effort to recall Boudin.
Nonetheless, this high profile election will likely be taken as a referendum on the direction of politics in San Francisco and a portent of nationwide political trends. The meetings were attended by The Examiner Editorial Board as well as reporters and editors. The editorial board, whichon the recall, operates independently from The Examiner’s news-gathering operation.
He touted his office’s expansion of victims services, including hiring five Cantonese-speaking victim advocates, piloting a small-business reimbursement program that was eventually expanded citywide and bringing together every DA in the Bay Area to create a hate crime task force. “The notion that any one person, district attorney or otherwise, could single-handedly in a one- or two-year period, bend the arc of crime trends goes in the face of everything every serious academic policymaker, criminologist, tells us,” Boudin said.
Boudin defended his prosecutorial approach, saying plea deals “are the norm in 98% of criminal cases” filed across the country and that “diverting cases is not the same as declining to prosecute.” It was necessary for his office to rely heavily on pleas and diversion programs, he added, to comply with state mandates to reduce jail populations during COVID as well as the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2011 order to thin out California’s prison system.
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