On the 25th anniversary of Hong Kong’s return to Chinese rule, we examine how the free and open city became a police state
a century after Britain returned Hong Kong to China, the texture of the city, its sights and sounds, are little changed. In its thrumming wet markets, carp still lie under red lamps, fishmongers extolling their freshness. Shoppers worship the gods of purse and phone at upscale malls. Construction workers sweat in the wet air, their jackhammers a rhythm section to the chimes of the trams.
Under their neglectful, but not utterly repressive, rule, protest was inevitable. The most violent was that of 1967, when the chaos of China’s Cultural Revolution spilled across the border. Supporters of Mao, backed by the underground party, set off bombs, slaughtering children playing in the streets. By September, 51 people had been killed. The majority was firmly against the protesters, and developed a new affinity for the police.
The carnage in Beijing sparked a political explosion across Hong Kong. In 1984 the British had signed an agreement to return the territory to China in 1997, built around the formula of “one country, two systems”. The negotiations which had come up with that idea, at which Hong Kongers were not represented, promised that the territory would enjoy a “high degree of autonomy” for 50 years, with a degree of self-rule.
In fact, under the Basic Law—the city’s post-handover constitution—Hong Kongers had few ways to take part in the city’s governance. Despite last-minute reforms to allow greater scope for elections, key appointments still had to be approved in Beijing. Most legislators and the city’s new “chief executive” were appointed by bodies controlled by party loyalists, many with business interests in China.
Instead, the Communist Party made the subtext of its previous attempts at change explicit: the Hong Kong identity created in the late 20th century and the independent-minded tradition of protest that went with it was a threat. In May 2020 China announced that a new national-security law was to be imposed on the territory, bolting legislation against secession, subversion, terrorism and collusion with foreign powers on top of the Basic Law.
Every other major pro-democracy news outlet in Hong Kong has been closed. The newspapers which matter are Ta Kung Pao and Wen Wei Po—which the party now uses as proxies to help run the city. Democrats have learned to read them closely. If you become one of their targets, you can expect a knock on the door in the middle of the night.
Australia Latest News, Australia Headlines
Similar News:You can also read news stories similar to this one that we have collected from other news sources.
What’s the future for Hong Kong?To mark the 25th anniversary of the city’s return to Chinese rule, host Anne McElvoy explores Hong Kong’s past and future with Chris Patten, the territory’s last British governor, exiled pro-democracy activist Nathan Law, and The Economist’s Sue-Lin Wong
Read more »
Xi Jinping in Hong Kong to mark 25 years of handoverChinese leader Xi Jinping will attend in what is his first trip outside mainland China since early 2020.
Read more »
'Cage Homes' in Hong Kong a Stark Reminder of Its InequitiesBrian Wong: As Hong Kong marks 25 years of British handover, its 'cage homes' remain a stark reminder of its inequities
Read more »
President Xi: No need to change the system under which Hong Kong is governedLord Patten, the last colonial governor of Hong Kong, accuses China of not keeping to the commitments it made ahead of handover.
Read more »
John Lee is Hong Kong's new chief executive - who is he and why are pro-democracy activists concerned?The former police officer was 'elected' last month in a one-man race and has been described by his critics as 'authoritarian' and 'notoriously difficult to deal with'.
Read more »
John Lee Will Be Hong Kong's New Leader. Here's What to KnowHe is the first chief executive since anti-government protests roiled the city in 2019
Read more »