Mass surveillance and social media are changing the spy game.
n the afternoon of Sept. 27, a Balkans expert at the White House got a disturbing call from a U.S. intelligence agency. Serbian forces were massing along the length of their country’s border with Kosovo, where NATO has kept an uneasy peace since a bloodyof secession in 1999. Three days earlier, more than two dozen armed Serbs had killed a Kosovar police officer in an attack. Now Serbia was deploying heavy weapons and troops.
Not everyone thinks that’s a good thing. Skeptics point to the U.S. government’s history of cherry-picking intelligence toforeigners, and Americans, during the Cold War and to justify the 2003 invasion of Iraq. Members of the U.S. intel community, ever protective of their secrets, want to limit the program to the conflict in Ukraine. Some in both parties worry a White House–run propaganda effort could be used for personal or political advantage.
In the two-story lobby of the L-shaped building, rows of security turnstiles and low-ceilinged elevator banks lead up to the office that handles information management for the intelligence community. It is not large: fewer than 10 officials are assigned to the job. The declassification requests they fielded in the run-up to thestarted out as emails over the classified network, primarily from Biden, Sullivan, and the White House, and grew to include petitions from other agencies and departments.
The moment was something of a milestone in the U.S.-Russia propaganda battle: a direct exchange between adversaries in the information space. Prigozhin was the head of the, which ran a key mercenary force on the ground in Ukraine. Just days before receiving Prigozhin’s letter, Kirby had announced at a White House press briefing that the U.S. was designating Wagner as a transnational criminal organization and imposing sanctions on the group.
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