“If Roe is indeed overturned,” peterdslevin writes, “the stark political divide among states will create streams of medical migrants, travelling great distances and by any available means.”
Not quite two years ago, Julie Amaon saw the future of many abortions in the United States in the shape of two small pills. She lived in Minnesota, where abortion clinics are clustered in cities, meaning that women in rural areas and small towns often travel long distances, struggle with child care, and miss work when they want to end a pregnancy.
That year, Amaon treated thirteen hundred and thirty-five patients. In the first four months of 2022, she has already seen nine hundred and one. Her organization, Just the Pill—which was founded by a friend—now employs fifteen people and recently hired a second doctor.
If Roe is indeed overturned, the stark political divide among states will create streams of medical migrants, travelling great distances and by any available means. Pregnant people blocked from getting an abortion in a place such as Arizona could drive to California to seek care. From Oklahoma, it could mean heading north to Kansas, where the right to an abortion is, for now, enshrined in the state constitution, or flying to Denver.
The abortion landscape is shifting, in ways predictable and not. In Missouri, Eric Schmitt, the Republican attorney general,this week that if Roe goes, he would immediately activate a ban passed by the legislature. Abortion would only be permitted in cases involving a medical emergency; performing an abortion for any other reason would be a felony punishable by prison. Yet Republican governors in Vermont, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts pledged to preserve abortion rights.
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