Zeldin has voted in lockstep with Trumpian positions and opposed inquiries into Trump’s role in the attempted coup.
to appeal to his party’s primary voters. Zeldin has come out in favor of doubling down on U.S. fossil fuel production; opposes vaccine and mask mandates; has promised to roll back tax increases levied on wealthy New Yorkers; has pushed a “tough-on-crime” agenda that, among other things, would increase the length of time for which prisoners can be sent to solitary confinement; and has followed Glenn Youngkin’s lead in attacking public school curricula.
While support for Trump and his nefarious theories about a stolen election may play well with GOP voters, repeating the Big Lie is unlikely to prove to be a vote-winning strategy in the general election: In New York, nearlyFor Zeldin and his fellow GOP would-be-nominees, this all must be intensely frustrating. After all, the New York GOP has, over the past few months, gotten increasingly confident that it can ride voter angst on the economy, on rising crime rates, on education policy.
It’s a stark turnaround from the years surrounding the turn of the century, when Republicans were highly competitive in the state. From 1981-1999, one of New York’s two senators was the deeply conservative Al D’Amato. In 1994, Republican
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