Opinion by Michael Kazin: Historically, the party and the movement have worked together to mutual benefit.
. “I’m not just saying that to be pro-union. I’m saying it because I’m pro-American.” Biden also met with Christian Smalls, the young Black leader of a drive to sign up workers at Amazon.
But sympathetic rhetoric is not enough. The labor revival that Smalls and his fellow activists are stoking remains modest. It has found success mainly among wage earners at firms such as Starbucks and REI, who tend to be. The labor upsurge has yet to reach those Whites and Hispanics who have spent little or no time in college — sizable groups that have been shifting toward the GOP.
What can Biden’s party do to help make unions into a force that can boost its electoral fortunes while providing workers a degree of democracy as well as higher pay and better conditions? Buoyed byshowing that more than two-thirds of Americans have a positive opinion of unions, Democrats should strongly promote the Protecting the Right to Organize Act, which would decisively weaken employers’ current advantage in the battle to unionize.
But Democrats’ ability to rebuild labor into a social juggernaut will be limited unless millions of workers make the effort to organize themselves. Franklin D. Roosevelt didn’t seriously back unions until the massive strike wave of 1934 made it imperative for him to do so. The nascent alliance helped Democrats dominate the midterms that fall.
The early history of Labor Day shows how unions can sway public officials even during a time of widespread inequality. By the time Congress voted in 1894, workers in many cities were celebrating the day with marches and picnics, and organizers had convinced 24 state legislatures to give their residents the day off. Unions have always been most effective when their concerted power has compelled politicians to respond.
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