A weakness of the Washington foreign-policy babble is that, by elevating the mundane, it makes the momentous moments in American and world affairs harder to identify
Parsing the president’s campaign statements, some suggested the alleged doctrine was a return to the pre-Trump status quo, with a warm embrace of allies and the international order. Other prognosticators, focusing on Mr Biden’s scepticism of military intervention and his party’s protectionism, foresaw a more diplomatic version of Donald Trump’s scattergun nativism.
This has not deterred rampant doctrine inflation over many decades. Most presidents since Truman have been credited with a unique doctrine, including all the recent ones. Though what the doctrines of Barack Obama and Donald Trump amounted to is still in dispute. Most of these presidential doctrines cannot be usefully compared to the three foundational ones, or even to each other.
Whether Gromyko was right to consider Washington’s obsessive doctrine-spotting an impediment to good policy is debatable. But it has clearly propagated a misleading notion of presidential power. Far from being the untrammelled “decider-in-chief” that George W. Bush briefly was after 9/11, presidents tend to be almost as bound by public opinion in foreign affairs as they are at home. Thus, Franklin Roosevelt moved from isolationism towards engagement as his majorities increased.
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